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FPRA corridor of legal thought

The Long Argument

For two and a half thousand years people have argued about what law is and what makes it just. Each idea here answered an earlier one. Walk the corridor from the beginning, or follow one idea through the centuries.

75 ideas · 8 rooms · c. 500 BC to 2024

Doors. Where an idea has an entry in FPR, its placard opens onto it. Most of those entries are not yet written. If you study law, you can claim one and write it.

Sources. Every quotation links to the page it comes from. Where the original is out of copyright, FPR keeps a copy (31 so far), named by its SHA-256 fingerprint, so anyone can check that it has not changed.

Room I · c. 500 BC – AD 534

Antiquity

Where the argument starts: whether order should come from virtue, from the gods, from nature or from the ruler.

  1. c. 500–233 BC

    No. 01

    Rule by virtue or rule by law

    Confucius; Han Fei · The Analects; the Han Feizi

    Confucius taught that people governed by punishments learn only to avoid them, while people led by virtue and ritual learn shame and correct themselves. Two centuries later Han Fei, the sharpest of the Legalists, answered that virtue is too rare to govern a state. Clear laws, published to all and enforced by fixed rewards and punishments, would work with people as they are. The state of Qin followed Han Fei and unified China in 221 BC; historians often describe the empires that followed as Confucian in language and Legalist in machinery. Whether law should make people good or only make them comply is the question this corridor keeps coming back to.

    “If the people be led by laws, and uniformity sought to be given them by punishments, they will try to avoid the punishment, but have no sense of shame.”

  2. c. 340 BC

    No. 02

    Equity and corrective justice

    Aristotle · Nicomachean Ethics, Book V

    Aristotle saw that a law has to speak in general terms, and so will sometimes go wrong in a case its makers did not foresee. Equity corrects it, deciding as the lawmaker would have decided had he been there. In the same book he separated two kinds of justice: distributive, which shares out goods and honours in proportion, and corrective, which restores the balance between two people when one has wronged the other. Courts of equity, the Indian rule of "justice, equity and good conscience", and modern theories of tort all start from these pages.

    “the essence of what is equitable is that it is an amendment of the law, in those points where it fails through the generality of its language.”

  3. c. 300 BC

    No. 03

    The Arthashastra: law as statecraft

    Kautilya · Arthashastra

    The Arthashastra is a manual for a king: how to raise revenue, run spies, fight wars and hold courts. In its book on justice it names four foundations of law: sacred law (dharma), evidence (vyavahara), custom and history (charitra), and the edicts of kings (rajasasana), and says that each later one prevails over the one before it. It sets out procedure, adjournments and fines with a practical eye. Its date and authorship are argued over, and the text was lost to modern readers until R. Shamasastry identified a manuscript in Mysore in 1905 and published it in 1909. It shows an Indian tradition in which law was an instrument of government as much as a moral order.

    “Sacred law (Dharma), evidence (Vyavahára), history (Charitra), and edicts of kings (Rájasásana) are the four legs of Law. Of these four in order, the later is superior to the one previously named.”

  4. c. 200 BC – AD 200

    No. 04

    The Manusmriti: dharma as law

    Attributed to Manu · Manusmriti (Manava Dharmashastra)

    The Manusmriti sets out dharma, the right conduct of each person, according to caste, stage of life and sex. It became the best known of the dharmashastra texts. When British courts in India began to apply "Hindu law" in the late eighteenth century, they treated it as something like a code, and it gained an authority over everyday life that it may never have had before. Its rules on caste and on women made it the target of reformers. On 25 December 1927, at Mahad, B. R. Ambedkar and his followers burned a copy in public.

    “Her father protects (her) in childhood, her husband protects (her) in youth, and her sons protect (her) in old age; a woman is never fit for independence.”

  5. c. 51 BC

    No. 05

    True law is right reason

    Cicero · De Re Publica, Book III

    Cicero, a working Roman advocate and politician, took from the Stoics the idea that real law is not whatever an assembly happens to enact, but right reason in agreement with nature: the same at Rome and at Athens, now and later. A rule that contradicts it is not law at all, however it was passed. The passage survives because a Christian writer, Lactantius, quoted it; most of the rest of the Republic was lost until a palimpsest turned up in the Vatican Library in 1819. Through the Church Fathers the idea passed to Aquinas, and from him to every later writer who says that an unjust law has no claim on us.

    “There is indeed a law, right reason, which is in accordance with nature; existing in all, unchangeable, eternal.”

  6. AD 161–534

    No. 06

    Persons, things and actions

    Gaius; Justinian · Institutes; Corpus Juris Civilis

    Gaius, a teacher of law, wrote a short textbook that sorted the whole of private law into three parts: persons, things and actions. Nearly four centuries later the emperor Justinian had his commissioners gather Roman law into one body: a new Institutes built on Gaius, the Digest of the jurists' opinions, and the Code of imperial decrees. Studied again at Bologna from around 1100, the Digest became the core of legal education across Europe. The French and German civil codes, and through them the codes of much of the world, still follow Gaius's order.

    “The whole of the law by which we are governed relates either to persons, or to things, or to procedure.”

Room II · c. 820 – 1651

Faith, kings and nations

Law answers to God, to custom and to kings, and lawyers begin to say that it binds kings too.

  1. c. 820

    No. 07

    Usul al-fiqh: the sources of Islamic law

    Muhammad ibn Idris al-Shafi'i · al-Risala

    Early Islamic jurists disagreed about how a rule should be reached. Al-Shafi'i gave the discipline a method. He ranked the sources: the Quran; then the Sunna of the Prophet, as proved by reliable reports; then the consensus of the community; then reasoning by analogy from those. Opinion untied to a text was not enough. This theory of the roots of law, usul al-fiqh, shaped every Sunni school after him. It still matters in India, where courts apply Muslim personal law. In Shayara Bano (2017), which ended instant triple talaq, one judge in the majority, Kurian Joseph, held that the practice had no basis in the Quran, while two others struck it down as arbitrary under Article 14.

    Source

    • al-Shafi'i, al-Risala fi Usul al-Fiqh, trans. Majid Khadduri, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Islamic Texts Society, 1987) in copyright
  2. c. 1100

    No. 08

    The Mitakshara: property by birth

    Vijnaneshwara · Mitakshara, a commentary on the Yajnavalkya Smriti

    Vijnaneshwara, writing at the Chalukya court, explained a short ancient text so fully that his commentary became the law of inheritance across most of India. In his reading a son acquires an interest in ancestral property at birth: the coparcenary. A rival school in Bengal, following Jimutavahana's Dayabhaga, held that the right arises only on the father's death. British courts applied both. Daughters stood outside the Mitakshara coparcenary until Parliament amended the Hindu Succession Act in 2005, and the Supreme Court held in Vineeta Sharma (2020) that the amendment gave them the right by birth.

    Sources

    • H. T. Colebrooke, Two Treatises on the Hindu Law of Inheritance (Calcutta, 1810) public domain; FPR has not yet found a scan to keep
    • Vineeta Sharma v. Rakesh Sharma, (2020) 9 SCC 1 Supreme Court of India
  3. 1215

    No. 09

    Magna Carta and the law of the land

    King John and the barons of England · Magna Carta, clause 39

    Magna Carta was a peace treaty between a weak king and rebellious barons, and the Pope annulled it within ten weeks. It was reissued, though, and over the centuries one clause took on a life its drafters never imagined: no free man was to be imprisoned or ruined except by the lawful judgment of his peers or by the law of the land. Coke read it as a charter of liberties against the Crown. American lawyers read "the law of the land" as due process, and India's long argument over "procedure established by law", from Gopalan to Maneka Gandhi, belongs to the same story.

    “No freeman shall be taken or [and] imprisoned or disseised or exiled or in any way destroyed, nor will we go upon him nor send upon him, except by the lawful judgment of his peers or [and] by the law of the land.”

  4. c. 1270

    No. 10

    An unjust law is no law

    Thomas Aquinas · Summa Theologiae, I–II, questions 90–97

    Aquinas set human law inside a larger order: the eternal law of God, the natural law that human reason can grasp, and the human laws that apply it to particular places and times. A human law draws its force from that fit. One that departs from natural law, he wrote, is no longer law but a perversion of law. He did not say every bad law may be disobeyed; he weighed the harm that disorder would do. But the line he drew, after Augustine, became the founding text of natural law, and the target at which every positivist from Bentham to Hart took aim.

    “if in any point it deflects from the law of nature, it is no longer a law but a perversion of law.”

  5. 1610

    No. 11

    Dr Bonham's Case: common law against statute

    Sir Edward Coke · Dr Bonham's Case, 8 Co. Rep. 107a

    Thomas Bonham, a physician, was fined and imprisoned by the London College of Physicians under powers Parliament had given it, and the College took a share of the fines it imposed. Chief Justice Coke held that no one may be judge in his own cause, and added a sentence that outlived the case: when an Act of Parliament is against common right and reason, the common law will control it and adjudge it void. English law later settled on the sovereignty of Parliament instead. But the sentence crossed the Atlantic, and American lawyers cited it against the Crown before the Revolution and for judicial review after it.

    “for when an act of parliament is against common right and reason, or repugnant, or impossible to be performed, the common law will controul it, and adjudge such act to be void”

  6. 1625

    No. 12

    The law of nations

    Hugo Grotius · De Jure Belli ac Pacis

    Writing during the Thirty Years' War, the Dutch jurist Hugo Grotius set out rules binding states in war and peace: when a war is just, how it may be fought, how treaties bind. He grounded them in a natural law that would hold, he said, even if one granted that God did not exist, an admission that let law stand on reason alone. Earlier, in Mare Liberum (1609), he had argued that the sea is free to all, a case made for the Dutch East India Company's trade in the Indies. International law still calls him its founder, and still lives with that commercial origin.

    “What we have been saying would have a degree of validity even if we should concede that which cannot be conceded without the utmost wickedness, that there is no God, or that the affairs of men are of no concern to Him.”

  7. 1651

    No. 13

    Leviathan: law as the sovereign's command

    Thomas Hobbes · Leviathan

    Hobbes wrote in the shadow of the English civil war. Without a power to keep them in awe, he argued, people live in a war of all against all, and life is nasty, brutish and short. To escape it they hand their natural liberty to a sovereign, and law is simply the sovereign's command. Promises with nothing to enforce them are worthless; justice exists only where there is a law to break. Hobbes left the subject one right, not to be killed. His picture of law as command, taken out of its frightening setting, passed to Austin and the positivists.

    “And Covenants, without the Sword, are but Words, and of no strength to secure a man at all.”

Room III · 1689 – 1803

Enlightenment and revolution

Law is rebuilt on reason: consent, rights, divided powers and written constitutions.

  1. 1748

    No. 15

    The separation of powers

    Montesquieu · The Spirit of the Laws, Book XI

    Montesquieu set out to explain why each country's laws are what they are: its climate, religion, commerce and history. In one famous chapter, built on an admiring and partly mistaken reading of England, he argued that liberty depends on keeping apart the powers of making laws, executing them and judging. Where one person or body holds two of them, there is no liberty. The American framers built on it, and so did India's Constituent Assembly, though the Constitution never states the doctrine in so many words. The Supreme Court has since treated it as part of the basic structure.

    “Again, there is no liberty, if the judiciary power be not separated from the legislative and executive.”

  2. 1762

    No. 16

    The general will

    Jean-Jacques Rousseau · The Social Contract

    Rousseau asked how people could live under law and still be free. His answer was that law must come from the general will: what the whole people, acting as one body, wills for the common good, as distinct from the sum of private interests. Obeying a law you have given yourself is freedom, not submission. A citizen who refuses may be "forced to be free", a phrase that has troubled readers ever since. Locke put rights before the state; Rousseau put the people above it. The claim that "We the People" give themselves a constitution begins here.

    “Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains.”

  3. 1764

    No. 17

    Proportionate punishment

    Cesare Beccaria · On Crimes and Punishments

    Beccaria was twenty-six and unknown when he published a short book against the criminal law of his day: secret accusations, torture to extract confessions, punishments out of all proportion to the crime. Punishment, he argued, is justified only by its use in preventing crime, so it should be certain, prompt and no harsher than it needs to be. Torture punishes the innocent and rewards the hardy. He argued against the death penalty. The book was read across Europe within a few years. Its case for proportion runs through modern sentencing law, and through India's "rarest of rare" test.

    “It is better to prevent crimes, than to punish them.”

  4. 1769

    No. 18

    Better that ten guilty persons escape

    William Blackstone · Commentaries on the Laws of England, Book IV

    Blackstone gave the first lectures on English law at Oxford and turned them into four volumes that made the common law readable as a system. For a century they were how lawyers in England, America and the colonies learned their law. In the fourth volume, on crimes, he put into one line the reason for the presumption of innocence and the high standard of proof in criminal trials. Bentham, who heard him lecture, attacked the Commentaries as a complacent defence of whatever existed. Both judgments of the book have lasted.

    “for the law holds, that it is better that ten guilty persons escape, than that one innocent suffer.”

  5. 1785

    No. 19

    Never merely a means: human dignity

    Immanuel Kant · Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals

    Kant held that the moral law comes from reason itself, not from what people happen to want. One form of it commands us to treat humanity, in ourselves and in others, always as an end and never merely as a means. Persons have dignity, a worth beyond any price, because they can govern themselves by reason. In The Metaphysics of Morals (1797) he built a theory of right on the equal freedom of each. After 1945 human dignity became the first word of Germany's Basic Law, and India's Supreme Court, in Puttaswamy and after, has treated dignity as the core of the right to life under Article 21.

    “So act as to treat humanity, whether in thine own person or in that of any other, in every case as an end withal, never as means only.”

  6. 1789

    No. 20

    Utility and codification

    Jeremy Bentham · An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation

    Bentham wanted every law judged by one test: whether it adds to or takes from the happiness of the people it affects. He had no patience for natural rights, which he called "nonsense upon stilts", or for judge-made common law, which he compared to the way a man trains his dog, by waiting for it to do wrong and then beating it. Law should be written down in codes anyone could read. He coined the word "codification", and also "international". He offered to draft codes for the United States, Russia and others. His ideas reached India through his admirers, and its Penal Code is their largest monument.

    “Nature has placed mankind under the governance of two sovereign masters, pain and pleasure.”

  7. 1803

    No. 21

    Judicial review: Marbury v. Madison

    Chief Justice John Marshall · Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137

    The case began with a political quarrel over judicial commissions signed on the last night of an outgoing administration. Marshall used it to state a principle the Constitution had not spelled out: a written constitution is superior law, a statute that conflicts with it is void, and it is for the courts to say so. He then held that the Court could not give Marbury his remedy, which made the ruling hard for the government to resist. Judicial review spread to constitutions across the world. India wrote it into the text, in Articles 13, 32 and 226.

    “It is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what the law is.”

    Source

Room IV · 1814 – 1885

The nineteenth century

History, science and empire. Law as command, as code, as the work of a people and of a class.

  1. 1814

    No. 22

    The historical school: law and the Volksgeist

    Friedrich Carl von Savigny · Vom Beruf unsrer Zeit für Gesetzgebung und Rechtswissenschaft

    After Napoleon's defeat, a Heidelberg professor, Thibaut, proposed a single civil code for the German states. Savigny answered that law is not made by legislators but grows, like language, out of the shared life and consciousness of a people, its Volksgeist. A code written too soon would freeze a law that was still forming; lawyers should first study its history. His historical school dominated German legal science for a generation, and Germany did not get its civil code until 1900. Maine carried the method to ancient and Indian law; others later bent "the spirit of the people" to darker uses.

  2. 1820

    No. 23

    Right as freedom made real

    G. W. F. Hegel · Elements of the Philosophy of Right

    Hegel thought Kant's free individual too abstract. Freedom becomes real only in institutions: in property and contract, in the family, in civil society with its markets and courts, and finally in the state. Law is not a fence around free people but one of the forms their freedom takes. The book has been read as a defence of the Prussian state and as a philosophy of progress, and his students split into a right and a left; Marx came from the left. The habit of seeing law as part of history's movement, rather than outside it, comes from here.

    “What is rational is real; And what is real is rational.”

  3. 1832

    No. 24

    The command theory of law

    John Austin · The Province of Jurisprudence Determined

    Austin, a follower of Bentham, set out to mark off "law properly so called" from everything else called law. A law is a command from a sovereign, someone whom the bulk of a society habitually obeys and who obeys no one, backed by a sanction. Whether it is just is a separate question. His lectures were poorly attended and he died little known, but his definition shaped English and Indian legal education for a century. Hart's Concept of Law begins by showing what it misses: rules that confer powers, and legal systems that outlast their rulers.

    “The existence of a law is one thing: its merits or demerits are another thing.”

  4. 1837

    No. 25

    The Indian Penal Code: codification made real

    Thomas Babington Macaulay and the First Law Commission · Draft of the Indian Penal Code

    Macaulay arrived in India as Law Member in 1834 and led the commission that drafted a penal code for the whole of British India. It drew on English criminal law stripped of its technicalities, on the French penal code and on Edward Livingston's draft code for Louisiana, in the spirit of Bentham's demand for clear written law. It defined each offence in plain terms and added "illustrations", short worked examples showing judges how to apply it. The draft waited more than twenty years and was enacted after the 1857 rebellion, in October 1860. It went on to serve Pakistan, Bangladesh, Singapore, Malaysia and others. In India the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita replaced it from 1 July 2024, keeping much of its structure.

    “uniformity where you can have it; diversity where you must have it; but in all cases certainty.”

  5. 1859

    No. 26

    The harm principle

    John Stuart Mill · On Liberty

    Mill, raised on Bentham's ideas, feared a danger Bentham had not: the tyranny of the majority, working through law and through public opinion. His answer was a single principle. Power may be used over a person against his will only to prevent harm to others; his own good is not enough. Mill defended free speech on the ground that even false opinions keep the truth alive. A century later the Hart–Devlin debate over laws enforcing morality reopened his argument, and it sits behind every modern question about what the criminal law may forbid.

    “the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others.”

    Source

  6. 1859

    No. 27

    Law as superstructure

    Karl Marx · Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy

    Marx argued that the way a society produces its goods, and who owns the means of producing them, is its real foundation. Law and politics rise on it as a superstructure. Property, contract and the courts, which present themselves as neutral, express the interests of the class that owns. As the economic base changes, the law follows. Marx wrote no theory of law as such, and his followers argued over how strictly the base decides. But the question he raised, whose interests the law serves when it claims to serve everyone, became a permanent part of legal scholarship.

  7. 1861

    No. 28

    From status to contract

    Henry Sumner Maine · Ancient Law

    Maine compared early Roman, Hindu and other legal systems to find how law develops. In early societies, he argued, a person's rights and duties came from the group into which they were born: family, caste or clan. Progressive societies moved towards a world in which they come from agreements freely made. He then spent seven years as Law Member in India, where his comparative history shaped how the colonial state understood Indian custom. Later critics showed how the colonial idea of "tradition" fixed communities in place, a line of argument that runs to Mamdani.

    “the movement of the progressive societies has hitherto been a movement from Status to Contract.”

    Source

  8. 1881

    No. 29

    The life of the law: experience, not logic

    Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. · The Common Law; "The Path of the Law" (1897)

    Holmes, then a Boston lawyer and later a judge for fifty years, argued that the common law was not deduced from principles but built up from the needs of each period: its policies, its intuitions, even its prejudices. In "The Path of the Law" he asked readers to look at law as a bad man would, someone who cares nothing for morality and wants only to predict what the courts will do to him. Law, on this view, is a prediction of what courts will in fact do. The American realists turned the idea into a movement.

    “The life of the law has not been logic: it has been experience.”

  9. 1885

    No. 30

    The rule of law

    A. V. Dicey · Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution

    Dicey set out to explain a constitution that was never written down. Two principles held it together. Parliament could make or unmake any law, and no court could set one aside. And the rule of law: no one could be punished except for a breach of law proved before the ordinary courts, everyone was subject to the same law, and rights came from judges' decisions in particular cases. Much of the constitution, he added, lived in conventions, rules followed though no court would enforce them, which he also called constitutional morality. India adopted his rule of law and rejected his sovereign Parliament.

    “With us every official, from the Prime Minister down to a constable or a collector of taxes, is under the same responsibility for every act done without legal justification as any other citizen.”

Room V · 1909 – 1948

Empire, war and independence

Law is asked what it owes the colonised and the outvoted, and what it did under tyranny.

  1. 1909

    No. 31

    Satyagraha and civil disobedience

    M. K. Gandhi · Hind Swaraj

    Gandhi, then a lawyer in South Africa, wrote Hind Swaraj on a voyage back from London. It attacks lawyers and courts, which he said had helped the British hold India by profiting from its disputes, and sets out satyagraha: breaking an unjust law openly, without violence, and accepting the punishment. He put it into practice for four decades, most famously in the salt march of 1930. Martin Luther King Jr. learned from him, and Rawls later built a theory of civil disobedience on the same conditions: open, non-violent, conscientious, and willing to bear the penalty.

    “Passive resistance is a method of securing rights by personal suffering; it is the reverse of resistance by arms.”

  2. 1913

    No. 32

    Hohfeld's jural relations

    Wesley Newcomb Hohfeld · "Some Fundamental Legal Conceptions as Applied in Judicial Reasoning", 23 Yale Law Journal 16

    Hohfeld noticed that judges used the word "right" for four different things, and reached confused results because of it. A claim-right is matched by someone else's duty. A privilege, or liberty, means having no duty not to act. A power is the ability to change legal relations, and an immunity is protection from someone else's power. Each has its correlative and its opposite. He died at thirty-nine, leaving two articles, which every student of jurisprudence still learns as a table, and which make arguments about rights far more exact.

    “the term "rights" tends to be used indiscriminately to cover what in a given case may be a privilege, a power, or an immunity, rather than a right in the strictest sense”

  3. 1913

    No. 33

    Living law

    Eugen Ehrlich · Grundlegung der Soziologie des Rechts

    Ehrlich taught at Czernowitz, on the edge of the Austro-Hungarian empire, where many peoples lived under one civil code and mostly ignored it. What actually ordered their lives was the living law: the rules followed in families, villages, trades and associations, whether or not any court enforced them. The centre of gravity of legal development, he wrote, lies not in legislation or in judicial decision but in society itself. His work is the root of legal pluralism, the study of many legal orders in one place, which is the ordinary condition of India.

    “der Schwerpunkt der Rechtsentwicklung liege auch in unserer Zeit, wie zu allen Zeiten, weder in der Gesetzgebung, noch in der Jurisprudenz oder in der Rechtsprechung, sondern in der Gesellschaft selbst.”

    Vorrede (preface), in English: the centre of gravity of legal development lies, in our time as at all times, not in legislation, nor in juristic science, nor in judicial decision, but in society itself
  4. 1922

    No. 35

    The sovereign decides the exception

    Carl Schmitt · Political Theology

    Schmitt, a German jurist, argued that legal rules cannot govern a true emergency. Someone must decide when the normal order is suspended and what is to be done, and that decision, taken outside the rules, shows who is really sovereign. He attacked Kelsen's view that a court should guard the constitution, and gave the role to the President. He joined the Nazi party in 1933 and defended Hitler's purges. He is still read, on the left and the right, because the questions he raised about emergency powers have not gone away. India's Emergency of 1975–77, and ADM Jabalpur, turned on them.

    “Sovereign is he who decides on the exception.”

    ch. 1, trans. George Schwab

    Source

    • Carl Schmitt, Political Theology (1922), trans. George Schwab (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1985) in copyright
  5. 1934

    No. 37

    The pure theory and the Grundnorm

    Hans Kelsen · Reine Rechtslehre (Pure Theory of Law)

    Kelsen wanted a science of law cleaned of politics, morals and sociology. Each legal norm, he argued, is valid because a higher norm authorises it: a regulation because of a statute, a statute because of the constitution. At the top stands a presupposed basic norm, the Grundnorm, that the first constitution is to be obeyed. Kelsen also drafted much of Austria's 1920 constitution and designed its constitutional court, one of the first courts set up only to review laws. He fled the Nazis and taught in America. Courts in Pakistan and elsewhere later used his theory to validate coups, which he never intended.

    Source

    • Hans Kelsen, Reine Rechtslehre (Leipzig and Vienna: Deuticke, 1934) in copyright
  6. 1946

    No. 38

    The Radbruch formula: lawless law

    Gustav Radbruch · "Gesetzliches Unrecht und übergesetzliches Recht"

    Radbruch had been a positivist, and minister of justice in the Weimar Republic. After the Nazi years he argued that judges should normally apply even unjust statutes, for the sake of legal certainty, but not when the injustice reaches an intolerable degree, or when a statute does not even try to treat people as equals. Then it is not law at all. German courts used his formula to try Nazi informers and, after 1990, the border guards of East Germany. Hart attacked this reasoning in 1958 and Fuller defended it: the start of their debate.

  7. 1948

    No. 39

    Constitutional morality

    B. R. Ambedkar · Speech introducing the Draft Constitution, Constituent Assembly, 4 November 1948

    Ambedkar was answering a complaint: why did the draft spell out so much of how the government would be run, details other constitutions left to ordinary law? He replied with a phrase from the historian George Grote. A constitution works only where people respect its forms. They obey authority that acts within those forms, criticise it freely, and trust their rivals to keep to the same rules. Grote called this constitutional morality. Ambedkar doubted India could take it for granted, so he wrote the forms into the text. For decades courts read the phrase as advice. More recently they have used it as a test a law must pass, and whether it can carry that weight is still argued in the Supreme Court.

    “Constitutional morality is not a natural sentiment. It has to be cultivated.”

    Source

  8. 1948

    No. 40

    Universal human rights

    UN Commission on Human Rights (Eleanor Roosevelt, René Cassin, P. C. Chang, Charles Malik, John Humphrey, Hansa Mehta) · Universal Declaration of Human Rights

    After the war a commission chaired by Eleanor Roosevelt drafted a statement of rights for every person, whatever their country. John Humphrey of the UN Secretariat prepared the first outline, René Cassin gave it its structure, and P. C. Chang and Charles Malik argued its philosophy across traditions. Hansa Mehta of India insisted that its first article say "all human beings", not "all men", are born free and equal. The General Assembly adopted it on 10 December 1948 with no votes against. It was not a treaty, but the covenants, regional courts and constitutions that followed drew on it.

    “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.”

Room VI · 1951 – 1981

After the war

The great systems: what law is, what justice requires, and who wins in court.

  1. 1951

    No. 41

    The right to have rights

    Hannah Arendt · The Origins of Totalitarianism

    Arendt had been stateless herself, a German Jew who fled in 1933. She saw that the millions of refugees and stateless people between the wars had the rights of man on paper and none in practice, because no state would protect them. To lose a political community was to lose the right to have rights at all. The rights of man, supposed to be independent of any government, proved unenforceable once people lost their own. Her argument sits behind every modern debate on citizenship, refugees and statelessness, including India's, which has no refugee law.

    Source

    • Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1951), ch. 9 in copyright
  2. 1958–64

    No. 42

    The Hart–Fuller debate: must law be moral?

    H. L. A. Hart and Lon L. Fuller · Harvard Law Review, vol. 71 (1958); The Morality of Law (1964)

    In one issue of the Harvard Law Review, Hart and Fuller argued over a case from post-war Germany: a woman who had denounced her husband under Nazi law. Hart said a wicked law is still law; if she was to be punished, it would be more honest to do it by a frankly retroactive statute than to pretend the law had never been law. Fuller replied that a system so lawless lacked the inner morality that makes law law. In The Morality of Law he named eight requirements, among them that rules be general, public, prospective, clear and possible to obey. The exchange set the agenda of jurisprudence for decades.

    “this is law; but it is too iniquitous to be applied or obeyed.”

  3. 1960–73

    No. 43

    Law and economics

    Ronald Coase; Guido Calabresi; Richard Posner · "The Problem of Social Cost"; The Costs of Accidents; Economic Analysis of Law

    Coase showed that where bargaining is free, it does not matter for efficiency to whom the law gives a right: the parties will trade it to whoever values it most. Bargaining is rarely free, so the real question is how law should allocate rights given what bargaining costs. Calabresi asked how accident law could keep down the total cost of accidents. Posner went further, arguing that the common law had in fact tended towards efficiency, and should. The movement took over American law schools and competition law worldwide, and its critics keep asking: efficient for whom?

    Sources

  4. 1961

    No. 44

    The rule of recognition

    H. L. A. Hart · The Concept of Law

    Hart replaced Austin's sovereign with rules. A legal system joins primary rules, which tell people what to do, with secondary rules about those rules: how to change them, how to settle disputes about them, and above all how to identify them. That last is the rule of recognition, shown in the way judges and officials actually decide what counts as law. Law and morality often overlap, but nothing requires them to. Hart wrote with unusual clarity, and the book became the most widely taught work of jurisprudence in English, in Indian law schools as everywhere else.

    Source

    • H. L. A. Hart, The Concept of Law (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961) in copyright
  5. 1965–73

    No. 45

    The basic structure doctrine

    Dietrich Conrad; the Supreme Court of India · Lecture at Banaras Hindu University (1965); Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973)

    In February 1965 Dietrich Conrad, a German scholar who knew how the Weimar constitution had been amended into a dictatorship, asked the law faculty at Banaras whether Parliament could amend away Article 21, or hand the amending power to the executive. If not, its power had implied limits. The argument was put to the Supreme Court in Golak Nath (1967), and in Kesavananda Bharati (1973) a bench of thirteen held, by seven to six, that Parliament may amend any part of the Constitution but may not destroy its basic structure. The Court has used the doctrine since to strike down amendments.

    Sources

    • Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala, (1973) 4 SCC 225, 1973 INSC 91 Supreme Court of India
    • Dietrich Conrad, "Limitation of Amendment Procedures and the Constituent Power", Indian Year Book of International Affairs 1966–67 in copyright
  6. 1971

    No. 46

    Justice as fairness and the veil of ignorance

    John Rawls · A Theory of Justice

    Rawls asked what principles of justice people would choose if they did not know their own place in society: rich or poor, talented or not, of which race or faith. Behind this veil of ignorance, he argued, they would choose equal basic liberties for all, and would allow inequalities only if they work to the benefit of the least advantaged. No gain to the many could justify denying the rights of a few. The book revived political philosophy and became the starting point for every later argument about how goods and burdens should be shared.

    “Justice is the first virtue of social institutions, as truth is of systems of thought.”

    §1

    Source

    • John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971) in copyright
  7. 1972

    No. 47

    Should trees have standing?

    Christopher D. Stone · "Should Trees Have Standing? Toward Legal Rights for Natural Objects", 45 Southern California Law Review 450

    Stone published his article while Sierra Club v. Morton, a challenge to a ski resort planned for a California valley, was before the US Supreme Court, and Justice Douglas cited it in dissent. Stone pointed out that the law had extended rights to holders once thought unthinkable, such as corporations, ships and states, and argued it could give standing to forests, rivers and the environment itself, with guardians to speak for them. Ecuador wrote the rights of nature into its constitution in 2008. In 2017 the Uttarakhand High Court declared the Ganga and Yamuna legal persons, though the Supreme Court stayed the order.

    “I am quite seriously proposing that we give legal rights to forests, oceans, rivers and other so-called "natural objects" in the environment—indeed, to the natural environment as a whole.”

    45 S. Cal. L. Rev. at 456

    Sources

  8. 1974

    No. 48

    Entitlement and the minimal state

    Robert Nozick · Anarchy, State, and Utopia

    Nozick, Rawls's colleague at Harvard, answered him from the other side. A distribution is just, he argued, if it came about through just acquisition and voluntary transfer, whatever pattern results. Taxing earnings in order to redistribute them is on a par with forced labour. Only a minimal state, limited to protection against force, theft and fraud, can be justified. His example of the basketball player Wilt Chamberlain, paid freely by fans, made the point that liberty upsets any fixed pattern. Their debate still shapes how lawyers argue about property, taxation and the welfare state.

    “Taxation of earnings from labor is on a par with forced labor.”

    ch. 7

    Source

    • Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia (New York: Basic Books, 1974) in copyright
  9. 1974

    No. 49

    Why the haves come out ahead

    Marc Galanter · "Why the 'Haves' Come Out Ahead", 9 Law & Society Review 95

    Galanter asked why the same kinds of party keep winning. Repeat players, such as companies, governments and insurers, go to court again and again. They can play for good rules rather than single wins, hire specialists, settle the cases they might lose and fight the ones that make useful law. One-shot players, usually individuals, cannot. Over time the rules themselves tilt. The article is among the most cited in legal scholarship. Galanter also spent decades on Indian law, and his Competing Equalities (1984) remains a leading study of India's reservations.

  10. 1975

    No. 50

    Discipline and power

    Michel Foucault · Surveiller et punir (Discipline and Punish)

    Foucault opens with the public torture and execution of a man who tried to kill the King of France in 1757, then sets beside it a prison timetable from eighty years later. Punishment moved from the body to the soul, he argued, but not because it grew gentler. Power learned to work through surveillance, examination and norms, in prisons, schools, barracks, hospitals and factories. Bentham's panopticon, a prison in which inmates can always be watched, was his emblem. Lawyers took from him the idea that the most effective power often does not look like law at all.

    “Visibility is a trap.”

    Part III, ch. 3, trans. Alan Sheridan

    Source

    • Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish (1975), trans. Alan Sheridan (London: Allen Lane, 1977) in copyright
  11. 1977

    No. 52

    Rights as trumps and law as integrity

    Ronald Dworkin · Taking Rights Seriously (1977); Law's Empire (1986)

    Dworkin, Hart's successor at Oxford, attacked the positivist picture. In hard cases judges do not run out of law and make new law; they draw on principles, such as the rule that no one may profit from his own wrong, which are part of the law though no rule of recognition picks them out. Rights are trumps over collective goals. In Law's Empire he described law as integrity: the judge should read the law as a whole in its best moral light, like a writer adding a chapter to a chain novel. His imaginary judge, Hercules, can do this perfectly. Real judges try.

    “Individual rights are political trumps held by individuals.”

    Taking Rights Seriously, introduction

    Sources

    • Ronald Dworkin, Taking Rights Seriously (London: Duckworth, 1977) in copyright
    • Ronald Dworkin, Law's Empire (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1986) in copyright
  12. 1979

    No. 53

    Sexual harassment as sex discrimination

    Catharine A. MacKinnon · Sexual Harassment of Working Women

    MacKinnon argued that sexual harassment at work was not a private matter or a personal failing but discrimination because of sex, one of the ways women are kept unequal in employment. American courts accepted the argument within a decade. Her wider theory, that sex inequality is a matter of dominance rather than difference, challenged the idea that a law treating women and men alike is neutral. In India, where no law covered harassment at work, the Supreme Court in Vishaka (1997) drew on international law to frame guidelines, which Parliament replaced with a statute in 2013.

    Sources

    • Catharine A. MacKinnon, Sexual Harassment of Working Women (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979) in copyright
    • Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan, (1997) 6 SCC 241 Supreme Court of India
  13. 1979–81

    No. 54

    Public interest litigation: a letter becomes a petition

    Justices P. N. Bhagwati and V. R. Krishna Iyer · Hussainara Khatoon (1979); Sunil Batra (II) (1980); S. P. Gupta v. Union of India (1981)

    After the Emergency the Supreme Court looked for a new legitimacy. Newspapers reported that thousands of undertrial prisoners in Bihar had been held longer than any sentence they could have received; a petition by the lawyer Kapila Hingorani, built on those reports, led to their release in Hussainara Khatoon. When a prisoner in Tihar Jail wrote to Justice Krishna Iyer about the torture of a fellow inmate, the Court treated the letter as a petition, and letters and postcards began to arrive as writs. In S. P. Gupta, Bhagwati held that any member of the public acting in good faith could come to court for people unable to come themselves. Public interest litigation grew from these cases into the Court's most distinctive power, and its most criticised.

    Sources

    • Hussainara Khatoon v. Home Secretary, State of Bihar, (1980) 1 SCC 81 Supreme Court of India
    • Sunil Batra v. Delhi Administration (II), (1980) 3 SCC 488 Supreme Court of India
    • S. P. Gupta v. Union of India, 1981 Supp SCC 87 Supreme Court of India

Room VII · 1980 – 1999

Voices from the margins

People the law left out take up the argument, and new constitutions put theory to work.

  1. 1980

    No. 55

    The countermajoritarian difficulty, answered

    John Hart Ely, answering Alexander Bickel · Democracy and Distrust

    In 1962 Alexander Bickel named the countermajoritarian difficulty: when unelected judges strike down a law, they overrule the people's representatives. Ely offered an answer. Courts should not impose their own values. They should police the democratic process itself: keep the channels of political change open, protect speech and the vote, and protect "discrete and insular minorities" whom the majority will always outvote. Judicial review, on this view, reinforces democracy rather than overriding it. The argument is still the most common defence of courts that protect minorities.

    “judicial review is a counter-majoritarian force in our system.”

    Bickel, The Least Dangerous Branch (1962)

    Sources

    • Alexander M. Bickel, The Least Dangerous Branch (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1962) in copyright
    • John Hart Ely, Democracy and Distrust (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1980) in copyright
  2. 1980

    No. 56

    Natural law revived

    John Finnis · Natural Law and Natural Rights

    Finnis, who had studied under Hart, wrote the book Hart invited him to write. He argued that natural law had been misread. It does not derive "ought" from facts about nature; it starts from basic goods that any reasonable person can see are worth pursuing: life, knowledge, play, aesthetic experience, friendship, practical reasonableness and religion. Law is needed to coordinate the pursuit of those goods in a community. An unjust law is law in a lesser, defective sense. He brought Aquinas back into the argument with Hart and Dworkin.

    Source

    • John Finnis, Natural Law and Natural Rights (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980) in copyright
  3. 1985

    No. 57

    Social action litigation

    Upendra Baxi · "Taking Suffering Seriously: Social Action Litigation in the Supreme Court of India"

    Baxi, then a professor at Delhi, argued that what India's Supreme Court was doing was not American public interest litigation. The American kind served causes such as consumer and environmental interests. India's served the poor and the oppressed, people for whom law had been an instrument of power. He called it social action litigation, and saw in it a court turning from the guardian of property into a forum for suffering. He also warned that it depended on particular judges, could slide into populism, and could not replace politics. Both his hopes and his warnings have been borne out.

  4. 1986

    No. 58

    The authority of law

    Joseph Raz · The Authority of Law (1979); The Morality of Freedom (1986)

    Raz asked what it means for law to claim authority. A legitimate authority gives you reasons that take the place of your own reasons rather than adding to them: you follow the rule without weighing everything again each time. It is legitimate when following it helps you do better what you already have reason to do. From this he argued that the content of law must be identifiable without moral argument, a stricter positivism than Hart's. He also defended a liberalism built on autonomy, which the state may actively promote.

    Source

    • Joseph Raz, The Morality of Freedom (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986) in copyright
  5. 1989

    No. 59

    Intersectionality

    Kimberlé Crenshaw · "Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex", University of Chicago Legal Forum

    Crenshaw studied discrimination cases brought by Black women in the United States. Courts asked whether an employer discriminated against Black people, where Black men were hired, or against women, where white women were. Black women, who faced both at once, fell between the two claims and lost. She called the place where the two meet an intersection. The word left law and spread far beyond it. Indian scholars have turned it on caste, gender and disability together, and the Supreme Court used it in 2021 in Patan Jamal Vali, a case about the rape of a blind Dalit woman.

    “Consider an analogy to traffic in an intersection, coming and going in all four directions.”

  6. 1990

    No. 60

    Reform from within the shari'a

    Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im · Toward an Islamic Reformation

    An-Na'im, a Sudanese jurist, was a student of Mahmoud Mohamed Taha, who was executed in Khartoum in 1985. Following Taha, he argued that the shari'a as the classical jurists built it is a human reading of its sources, shaped by its time, and can be read again. The universal and egalitarian message of the earlier, Meccan revelation could take the place of later rules on women and non-Muslims. He went on to argue that the state should be secular so that Muslims can follow the shari'a freely. The book carried Islamic legal thought into today's debates on human rights.

    Source

    • Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im, Toward an Islamic Reformation (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1990) in copyright
  7. 1992

    No. 61

    Law between facts and norms

    Jürgen Habermas · Faktizität und Geltung (Between Facts and Norms)

    Habermas asked how law, which coerces, can also be legitimate. His answer was that laws are legitimate when those bound by them could agree to them in free and open public discussion, and when rights make that discussion possible. Private freedom and public self-government come together; neither comes first. Courts guard the conditions of democratic debate rather than a fixed set of values. The book gave a theory to deliberative democracy, and to constitutional courts that see themselves as keepers of public reason.

    Source

    • Jürgen Habermas, Between Facts and Norms (1992), trans. William Rehg (Cambridge: Polity, 1996) in copyright
  8. 1995

    No. 62

    Ubuntu and the end of the death penalty

    Constitutional Court of South Africa · S v. Makwanyane

    The first major case of South Africa's new Constitutional Court asked whether the death penalty survived the interim constitution. All eleven judges held that it did not. They drew on the case law of many countries and on ubuntu, an African idea that a person is a person through other persons, standing for dignity, humanity and restorative justice. Justices Mokgoro and Madala wrote that it should guide the new legal order. The case showed a constitutional court building on its own people's values alongside the world's.

  9. 1996

    No. 63

    Citizen and subject

    Mahmood Mamdani · Citizen and Subject

    Mamdani asked why African states after independence found it so hard to become democracies. Colonial rule, he argued, had split the population in two. Citizens in the towns lived under civil law and rights. Subjects in the countryside lived under "customary" law administered by chiefs whom colonial governments appointed and armed, a law that colonial rule had in large part invented. Independence removed the racial barrier but often kept the split. The book reaches far beyond Africa: it explains how colonial states, India's included, turned living custom into fixed rules about who belongs where.

    Source

    • Mahmood Mamdani, Citizen and Subject (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996) in copyright
  10. 1997

    No. 64

    Third World Approaches to International Law

    B. S. Chimni; Antony Anghie; Makau Mutua and others · TWAIL; Anghie, Imperialism, Sovereignty and the Making of International Law (2005)

    International law presents itself as the common law of equal states. The TWAIL scholars, who first met as a group at Harvard in 1997, argued that it was made in the encounter between empires and colonies, and that its central ideas were shaped by the need to justify colonial rule. Anghie traced sovereignty itself to that encounter. Chimni, an Indian scholar, examined how international institutions serve global capital. TWAIL asks whom international law serves, and offers it as a tool to those it has left out.

    Sources

    • Antony Anghie, Imperialism, Sovereignty and the Making of International Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005) in copyright
    • B. S. Chimni, International Law and World Order (New Delhi: Sage, 1993) in copyright
  11. 1998

    No. 65

    Transformative constitutionalism

    Karl Klare · "Legal Culture and Transformative Constitutionalism", 14 South African Journal on Human Rights 146

    Klare, an American scholar writing about South Africa's new constitution, described it as a project to change a country's political and social institutions and its relations of power, in a democratic, participatory and egalitarian direction, through law. Judges could not apply such a constitution in a formal, conservative way; they had to accept that their choices shaped the change. The phrase became central in South African law and then in India, where the Supreme Court used it in Navtej Singh Johar (2018) and other cases to describe the Constitution as a charter for remaking an unequal society.

    “a long-term project of constitutional enactment, interpretation, and enforcement committed … to transforming a country's political and social institutions and power relationships in a democratic, participatory, and egalitarian direction.”

  12. 1999

    No. 66

    Code is law

    Lawrence Lessig · Code and Other Laws of Cyberspace

    In the early years of the internet many people said cyberspace could not be regulated. Lessig answered that it was regulated already, by its code: the software and hardware that make it what it is. What can be done online, by whom and with what record, is decided by its architecture as surely as by statute. Behaviour is shaped by four forces: law, social norms, markets and architecture. Governments and companies can regulate by changing the code, often less visibly than by passing laws. Data protection, platform rules and the governance of AI all work in the world Lessig described.

Room VIII · 2000 – 2024

Now

Old quarrels in new places: courts and democracy, algorithms, and the climate.

  1. 2000

    No. 67

    Capabilities and women's lives

    Martha C. Nussbaum · Women and Human Development

    Nussbaum, working alongside Amartya Sen, argued that justice should be judged by what people are actually able to do and to be. She proposed a list of central capabilities that every constitution should secure up to a threshold: life, bodily health, bodily integrity, the senses and thought, emotions, practical reason, affiliation, other species, play, and control over one's environment. Much of the book drew on her work with women in India and the women's organisations she met there. She defended these universal norms against the charge that they were Western impositions.

    Source

    • Martha C. Nussbaum, Women and Human Development: The Capabilities Approach (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000) in copyright
  2. 2006

    No. 68

    The case against judicial review

    Jeremy Waldron · "The Core of the Case Against Judicial Review", 115 Yale Law Journal 1346

    Waldron accepted that citizens disagree about rights in good faith. When they do, he asked, why should a handful of unelected judges settle the disagreement rather than an elected legislature? Courts reason no better about rights than legislatures do, and leaving the final word to them fails to respect citizens as equals. He offered the argument for societies with working democratic institutions and a general commitment to rights, not for every country. It is the strongest modern statement of an old quarrel, and India's basic structure doctrine is among its most striking counter-examples.

  3. 2008

    No. 69

    Nudges and choice architecture

    Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein · Nudge

    Behavioural economists had shown that people do not choose as rational models predict. Defaults stick, framing changes answers, and the future is discounted too steeply. Thaler and Sunstein argued that someone always designs the setting in which people choose, so it might as well be designed well. A nudge steers choices without forbidding any option or changing incentives much: automatic enrolment in pension schemes, healthy food at eye level. Governments set up nudge units. Critics asked whether manipulation by the state becomes acceptable because it is gentle, and whether it replaces regulation that would work better.

    Source

    • Richard H. Thaler and Cass R. Sunstein, Nudge (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008) in copyright
  4. 2009

    No. 70

    Niti and nyaya

    Amartya Sen · The Idea of Justice

    Sen distinguished two Sanskrit words for justice. Niti means rules and institutions; nyaya means the lives people are actually able to live. Rawls and the social contract tradition tried to design perfectly just institutions. Sen argued that we can recognise and remove clear injustices without first agreeing on what perfect justice would be, and that we should judge by the lives that result. Since 1979 he had argued that justice should look at capabilities, what people can do and be, and not only at resources or happiness. The idea underlies the UN's Human Development Index.

    Source

    • Amartya Sen, The Idea of Justice (London: Allen Lane, 2009) in copyright
  5. 2012

    No. 71

    Proportionality

    Aharon Barak · Proportionality: Constitutional Rights and Their Limitations

    Barak, a former President of Israel's Supreme Court, set out the method many constitutional courts now use when the state limits a right. Is the aim proper? Is the measure rationally connected to it? Is it necessary, or is there a less restrictive way? Is the benefit worth the harm to the right? German courts developed the test, and it spread through Canada, South Africa and Europe. India's Supreme Court took up Barak's formulation in Modern Dental College (2016) and applied the test in the privacy judgment in Puttaswamy (2017) and to Aadhaar in 2018.

    Sources

    • Aharon Barak, Proportionality: Constitutional Rights and Their Limitations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012) in copyright
    • K. S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India, (2017) 10 SCC 1 Supreme Court of India
  6. 2013

    No. 72

    Abusive constitutionalism

    David Landau · "Abusive Constitutionalism", 47 UC Davis Law Review 189

    Coups have become rare. Landau described what has taken their place: elected leaders using constitutional amendment and replacement to entrench themselves, weaken courts and hollow out democracy, all while keeping the forms of law. His examples included Venezuela and Hungary. The danger looks lawful at every step. He argued that courts and international bodies need tools to resist it, and pointed to doctrines such as India's basic structure. The idea joined a growing study of how democracies decline from within.

  7. 2015

    No. 73

    Algorithms and the black box society

    Frank Pasquale · The Black Box Society

    Pasquale studied the algorithms that decide credit scores, search results and what news people see. They judge us constantly, he argued, while their own workings are hidden as trade secrets. Law demands that public power give reasons, and has few ways to make private algorithmic power do the same. His call for intelligible, accountable algorithms fed European debates on a right to an explanation of automated decisions, and later rules on artificial intelligence. The question it puts to law joins Lessig's and Weber's: what is legitimate authority when no one can say how a decision was made?

    Source

    • Frank Pasquale, The Black Box Society (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2015) in copyright
  8. 2017

    No. 74

    Unconstitutional constitutional amendments

    Yaniv Roznai · Unconstitutional Constitutional Amendments: The Limits of Amendment Powers

    Roznai traced how the idea that a constitutional amendment can itself be unconstitutional spread around the world: from Germany's eternity clause, written after Weimar, through India's basic structure doctrine, to courts in Bangladesh, Colombia, Taiwan and beyond. He gave it a theory. The amending power is a delegated power, granted by the people's original constituent power, and cannot be used to destroy the constitution that created it. His study made the Indian doctrine, and the German lecture behind it, part of the world's constitutional law.

    Source

    • Yaniv Roznai, Unconstitutional Constitutional Amendments (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017) in copyright
  9. 2019–24

    No. 75

    Climate change and those not yet born

    The Supreme Court of the Netherlands; the Supreme Court of India · Urgenda Foundation v. Netherlands (2019); M. K. Ranjitsinh v. Union of India (2024)

    In Urgenda, a Dutch foundation and some nine hundred citizens sued their government for doing too little about climate change. In December 2019 the Supreme Court of the Netherlands held that the duty to protect life and family life under the European Convention required the state to cut emissions by at least a quarter from 1990 levels by the end of 2020. Courts elsewhere followed. In 2024, in a case about power lines and the great Indian bustard, India's Supreme Court recognised a right against the adverse effects of climate change under Articles 14 and 21. The corridor's newest question is what law owes people who do not yet exist.

    Sources

NEXTThe argument continues

The argument is not finished. The next placard could be yours.

96 doors in this corridor open onto FPR entries nobody has written yet. Law students write them, and an editor works through each one with its writer.